By Lorman A. Ratner, Dwight L. Teeter Jr.
In the course of the years previous to the Civil battle, key newspapers within the usa turned real mass media for the 1st time, attaining American society as by no means ahead of. In "Fanatics and Fire-eaters", Lorman A. Ratner and Dwight L. Teeter, Jr., study how this newly obtained energy was once used and the way it exacerbated festering nearby concerns - preeminently the problem of slavery - as newspapers defined and characterised the various key occasions previous the outbreak of the Civil warfare. studying particular occasions, from the Brooks-Sumner incident to the assault on fortress Sumter, the authors offer an intensive and colourful historical past of the descent into battle. Tracing political debts and diatribes released in northern and southern newspapers from 1856 to the shelling of fortress Sumter in 1861, Ratner and Teeter assert that newspapers, of their wish to be ecocnomic and advertise particular agendas, stoked the fires that heated tensions among North and South. "Fanatics and Fire-eaters" examines a time whilst the click received better effect and timeliness due to telegraph strains, steam-driven presses, and speedier distribution through railroad networks.
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Additional resources for Fanatics and Fire-eaters: Newspapers and the Coming of the Civil War
As such, these lands were north of the line of demarcation set in the Missouri Compromise of 1820 that would seem to have precluded slavery for either of the proposed new territories of Kansas and Nebraska. These territories, given their rapidly growing population, would soon be states. Douglas knew that to get the votes needed to approve his legislation he would have to hold out at least the possibility that the Kansas Territory might allow slavery. To accomplish that, Douglas proposed that citizens of each territory should decide the slavery issue for themselves.
2 Notwithstanding the power and passion of his oratory, his motion was defeated, with only four senators voting aye. But that was in 1852. Sumner’s 1856 speech reﬂected the heightened tension both in the Congress and among the public at large over questions involving the extension of slavery into the territories. What was special about Sumner’s 1856 speech was not his argument but his style.
Kendall sought private investment to build four telegraph trunk wires following the main post and business routes. Within seven years, either Morse’s licensees or their competitors—using other patents—had completed the trunk lines Kendall envisioned. The network of wires made use of the experimental line of 1844, which linked Baltimore to Washington, quickly extending that line to New York and Philadelphia. A second trunk line linked New York to Boston, and a third arced north and then west to Albany and Buffalo, to the developing Great Lakes cities and those of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys.