By Edward L. Miles, Steinar Andresen, Elaine M. Carlin, Jon Birger Skjærseth, Arild Underdal, Jørgen Wettestad
This booklet examines why a few overseas environmental regimes prevail whereas others fail. Confronting idea with facts, and mixing qualitative and quantitative research, it compares fourteen case reports of overseas regimes. It considers what effectiveness in a regime might seem like, what components may perhaps give a contribution to effectiveness, and the way to degree the variables. It determines that environmental regimes truly do higher than the collective version of the booklet predicts.The powerful regimes tested contain the tip of Dumping within the North Sea, Sea Dumping of Low-Level Radioactive Waste, administration of Tuna Fisheries within the Pacific, and the Vienna conference and Montreal Protocol on Ozone Layer Depletion. Mixed-performance regimes contain Land-Based toxins regulate within the North Sea, the conference on Long-Range Transboundary pollution, satellite tv for pc Telecommunication, and administration of excessive Seas Salmon within the North Pacific. useless regimes are the Mediterranean motion Plan, Oil pollutants from Ships at Sea, overseas exchange in Endangered Species, the foreign Whaling fee, and the conference for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine residing Resources.
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Extra info for Environmental Regime Effectiveness: Confronting Theory with Evidence
Institutions as arenas can be described by answering the following question: who deals with what, how, when, and where? Arenas differ in terms of rules of access, decision rules, and rules of procedure, as well as in terms of informal culture. For example, the membership of a regime is in some cases restricted to countries that satisfy certain criteria (the Antarctic Treaty System would be a case in point). 24 Consensus is the decision rule most frequently used in international organizations, but a number of organizations have some provisions for decision making by voting (usually requiring a qualified majority on substantive matters).
In this case, the real costs of pollution abatement would include not only the direct costs of installing and operating new filters or production equipment, but also—at least if the “polluter- One Question, Two Answers 19 pays” principle is observed—indirect costs in terms of loss of market shares. The latter can be attributed to competition rather than leaks and will quite often be the major cause of concern. In general, a relationship of competition exists whenever one actor’s (subjective) welfare depends on how well he performs compared to others.
The rule of consensus gives each party a veto not only over the overall amount of (for example) emission reductions; the right of veto also pertains to every conceivable means of achieving that reduction (including, of course, the distribution of reductions or costs). Moreover, inherent in the process of (distributive) bargaining are certain “perversities,” providing “incentives to actors to behave in ways that have the effect of hindering mutually beneficial cooperation” (Keohane 1988, 29; see also Johansen 1979 and Underdal 1987).