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The answer lies partly with the sporadic and often unflattering media coverage of the EP, partly with the nature of the EC's decision-making process, and partly with the difficulty of disentangling from it the EP's own record. This was singularly hard to do. Yet, a record does exist. The first elected EP did have an impact on organisational, decision-making matters, and on international and internal affairs. Briefly, one may cite the following examples of how, through organisational changes and by capitalising on treaty provi- 14 Introduction sions, the elected EP tried to show that it was more effective, influential and ultimately more powerful than its predecessors.

At the national Introduction 23 level, national party bodies were responsible for mobilising the electorate. 50 Smaller parties, like the Greens and the Ecologists were also to develop transnational links of a more rudimentary kind. It is important to note that neither the supranational, EP party groups nor the transnational party bodies are strictly analogous to national parties. Ideological and policy cleavages are more acute and sometimes aggravated by national differences. Experience of working together in the EP may on occasion mitigate division but it has not resulted in the creation of parties as cohesive as those in national politics are presumed to be.

368/74). 9. See Draft Treaty establishing the European Union (hereinafter EUT) (Luxembourg: European Parliament, Feb. 1984). Also see, J. Lodge, 'European Union and the First Elected European Parliament: The Spinelli Initiative', Journal of Common Market Studies, 22 (1984) 317--402, and J. ), European Union (London: Macmillan, 1986). 10. See J. H. H. Weiler, 'The Genscher-Colombo Draft European Act: The Politics of Indecision', Journal of European Integration, 6 (1983) 129-53. II. See A. Spinelli, 'Das Verfassungsprojekt des Europiiischen Parlaments', and chapters by J-P.

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